A report details the means adopted by
the United States-based
India Development and Relief Fund to collect funds from U.S. corporates and
channel them to Hindu fundamentalist
organisations.
Rashtriya
Swayamsewak Sangh activists perform a
puja to the weapons they use for `self-defence’, on the occasion of Vijaya
Dashmi in Bhopal on October 15.
AFFILIATES of the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) have been
receiving millions of dollars from corporates in the United States to instigate
communal violence and propagate the Hindutva ideology in Gujarat and other
parts of the country. This was exposed by the Campaign to Stop Funding Hate
(SFH), a group of professionals, students, workers, artists and intellectuals.
They have identified the India Development and Relief Fund (IDRF), a
Maryland-based charity organisation established in 1989, as the key fund-raiser
for the Sangh Parivar in
the U.S. SFH says that the IDRF, which was set up to provide funds for `relief
and development work’, has been funding RSS-initiated projects all over India.
In 2000, around $1.7 million was channelled to Sangh Parivar organisations such
as the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (VKA), which has been linked with anti-minority
violence. Between 1994 and 2000, the IDRF disbursed close to $4 million to
Sangh Parivar organisations all over India.
Some other long-term recipients of IDRF funds include the Vikas
Bharti (Bihar), the Swami Vivekananda Rural
Development Society (Tamil Nadu), the Sewa Bharati (New Delhi), the Jana Seva
Vidya Kendra (Karnataka), the Girivasi Vanvasi Sewa Prakalp (Uttar Pradesh) and
the G. Deshpande Vanvasi Vastigrah (Maharashtra). While organisations like the
Sewa Bharati are openly identified with the RSS, others like the Swami
Vivekananda Rural Development Society profess to work for the development of
tribal people, though in reality they lay stress on teaching the tribal people
the `Hindu way of life’. Collectively, these organisations have been supported
by the IDRF since its establishment.
The SFH launched a `Project Saffron Dollar’ to end the
activities of the IDRF. On November 20, the group released a 91-page report
titled “A Foreign Exchange of Hate: IDRF and the American Funding of Hate” in
New Delhi. The report reveals how the IDRF obtained considerable amounts from
leading U.S. technology companies such as Cisco, Sun Microsystems, AOL-Time
Warner and Hewlett Packard and distributed it among RSS affiliates. While 83
per cent of the funds went to the RSS, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP)
and other Sangh Parivar organisations, only 2 per cent went to secular
organisations.
When collecting money, the IDRF professed that it was doing so
to `fund relief and development work’. Actually, the funds were distributed
among RSS organisations dealing with reconversion programmes and efforts to
Hinduise society. For example, the IDRF’s website claims that it is a charity
organisation that has helped the victims of theGujarat earthquake of 2001.
However, the fact remains that it used the funds to help only Hindu victims.
The anti-minority stand of the IDRF is not new. In the past, it
collected funds for Bangladeshi Hindus, Kashmiri Hindus and for those whose
family members died in the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York. In all
three cases, the people allegedly responsible for perpetrating the disasters
belonged to the Muslim community.
In contrast, the IDRF has not announced any relief for victims
of the communal violence in Gujarat. In fact, it contributed to the violence by
channelling its funds to the VKA and the Vivekananda Kendra, which have been
working to communalise the tribal people and create an anti-Muslim ethos. (The
SFH report noted that a “surprise element” in the anti-minority violence in
Gujarat was the “active participation” of tribal people in it.) A similar role
was played by the IDRF in supporting organisations like the Sewa Bharati and
the VKA, which is accused of using violence against Christians in Madhya
Pradesh in 1998. It also supported projects like Ekal Vidyalayas (One Teacher
Schools), a VHP-run project aimed at the indoctrination of students in remote
villages inhabited by tribal people.
Biju Mathew, Professor of Information Systems at Rider
University, said: “We are now disseminating the results of our investigations
amongst the NRIs [non-resident Indians]
and U.S. corporations. Our report clearly establishes the link between the IDRF
and the RSS.” The report is based on primary sources, including documentary
evidences from tax documents filed by the IDRF; articles from Sangh Sandesh, the newsletter of
RSS; and reports published by Sangh Parivar organisations in India and abroad.
According to the report, the links between the IDRF and the RSS
go beyond financial support. Several office-bearers of the IDRF are associated
with Sangh Parivar organisations in India. The founder-members of the IDRF
include Bhishma Agnihotri, an RSS ideologue and a leader of the Hindu
Swayamsewak Sangh (HSS), the equivalent of the RSS in the U.S. and the United
Kingdom. He was last in the news when his candidature for the position of the
point man for NRIs was opposed by the New York-based Indian National Overseas
Congress, an organisation which represents the Indian community in the U.S.
Agnihotri had said that he was proud of his association with the Sangh Parivar.
How does the IDRF operate in the U.S.? The most active
fund-raisers of the IDRF are the Indian migrants to the U.S., especially
professionals working in the software sector. Such IDRF sympathisers encourage
their companies to put the IDRF on the corporation’s list of grantees. The
swayamsewaks working in U.S. corporations project the IDRF as the `best’ and
the `only’ way to provide funds for `development and relief’ work in India.
One company that unwittingly funded the IDRF is Cisco. One criterion
of Cisco for eligibility to receive donations is that the organisation should
be involved in non-religious work. It explicitly states that the company does
not wish to encourage organisations that promote one culture, race or religion.
However, over the years, the software swayamsewaks working in Cisco ensured
that the company contributed to the IDRF. Cisco’s contribution to the IDRF was
as much as 5 per cent of the IDRF’s total cash corpus in 1999. After the
release of the report, Cisco suspended its funding to the IDRF and decided to
investigate the allegations against the IDRF. The report has been sent to 10
leading corporations with a petition to disallow the IDRF from using the
companies’ facilities for direct and indirect fund-raising.
Replying to the allegations of the SFH on its website, the IDRF
clarified that it follows a well-defined process to select non-governmental
organisations (NGOs) for receiving funds. It said: “IDRF employs professional
and recognised methods to identify, qualify and distribute funds to NGOs. As a
part of this process, each NGO is required to submit a Statement of Work (SOW)
before IDRF grants funds.” For the time being, it is clear that its donors are
not going to take these assurances on face value. Besides Cisco, Sun
Microsystems has also said that it had put donations to the IDRF on hold.
THE SFH’s report has once again placed the spotlight on the
larger question of growth of Hindutva outside India. In the U.S., the Sangh
Parivar and its affiliates have grown over the years, entrenching themselves in
the West Coast, the North East and the southern States of Florida and Texas.
These are pockets where the Indian diaspora of professionals is concentrated.
Besides disseminating its nefarious ideology, the Sangh Parivar concentrates on
collecting funds from the NRI community. What is a cause of growing concern is
the systematic infiltration of U.S. universities by the Sangh Parivar
organisations. The organisations target members of the second-generation Indian
Americans, who are approached with the objective of bringing them under the
influence of Hindutva.
The meetings of the Sangh Parivar organisation, National
Students’ Forum in the U.K. and the Hindu Students’ Council (HSC) in the U.S.
have grown from innocuous get-togethers to meeting places for right-wingers.
The HSC, which has branches in more than 50 universities in the U.S., was
launched in 1988, when its first chapter was set up in the University of
Maryland. In this context, it is not surprising that voices against the
propagation of the Hindutva ideology have also come from the universities of
the U.S. Members of Saffron Dollar project emphasise that the presence of a
vociferous group is imperative to stem the RSS’ growth outside India.
Other organisations and groups too have criticised the
activities of the Sangh Parivar outside India. For instance, the Indo-U.S.
Entrepreneurs, an organisation of business people from south Asia, has asked
the U.S. corporate world to be careful when contributing to charity organisations.
In fact, when the organisation’s president, Kanwal Rekhi, wrote an article in The Wall Street Journal about the money
being sent to anti-minority organisations, he had to face criticism from
right-wing groups. However, such moves have not deterred others from speaking
out against the Sangh Parivar. Biju Mathew said: “What we have investigated is
the day-to-day working of the RSS in the U.S. This will help change the
perspective that it exists as an empty shell.”
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